28 октомври 2006

The New Feudalism

Forget corruption. In Putin's Russia, the nexus of payoffs and patronage is almost medieval, touching every aspect of life.

By Owen Matthews and Anna Nemsova
Newsweek International

Oct. 23, 2006 issue - When armed police showed up last Wednesday night at Zurab Dzhaparidze's Moscow apartment, he knew immediately why they'd come. Dzhaparidze's crime, the policemen claimed, was that his apartment's purchase documents hadn't been completed properly—they'd come to kick him out. But the 34-year-old film-festival organizer knew better. His real sin was to be Georgian. Ever since the Kremlin declared its disapproval of Tbilisi after an espionage row last month, Russia's police and bureaucrats have declared open season on Georgians, their businesses and their property.
Top executives at Royal Dutch Shell, too, had few illusions about why they were recently ordered to stop work on their $22 billion Sakhalin-2 exploration project. The stated reason was alleged environmental violations. But Shell's real crime, it seems, was not to let state-owned Gazprom muscle in on the oilfield. In both cases, the victims of the state-sponsored shakedown were left with little choice. Dzhaparidze paid a hefty bribe to get the police to go away. And Shell, analysts predict, will likely cut a deal with Gazprom.
What do the problems of a young Georgian in Moscow have in common with those of a giant Western oil company in Russia's Far East? Or, for that matter, with the dilemma of Lena N., a young actress who says she can't afford to pay the bribe to get her children into a state-run kindergarten, or Sergey Odinartsev, a businessman who found his warehouse confiscated by thugs he said were sent by the local secret police? The answer is that, after six years under Vladimir Putin, Russia has undergone a hidden but dramatic evolution—from mere authoritarianism to something that might best be described as modern-day feudalism.
Ever since he took office in 2000, Russia's president has worked to concentrate political power and economic wealth in the hands of the state. And he's succeeded, perhaps beyond his wildest dreams. These days, any transaction of value—from getting your kid into university, to arranging visits to doctors, to starting a business—depends upon the whims of the king, his knights in the Kremlin or the legions of vassals who live off their patronage and in turn pay them tribute. From the mightiest oligarch to the lowliest common citizen, every aspect of every
Russian's life—their right to a home, their car or work—increasingly presupposes some form of crooked relationship with the state and its servants.
Once upon a time, this would have been called corruption. Nowadays, says Elena Panfilova at Transparency International, that term seems almost quaint. "It assumes corruption is an aberration," she explains. "In Russia today, it is the system." Vladimir Ryzhkov, one of the few remaining independents in Parliament, likens Putin to a contemporary czar. Determined to recoup from the chaos of the Yeltsin years, he says, "Putin turned Russia a hundred years back to the traditions of empire and absolute personification of power. We are back to the times when the state and private business grew together in a single body."
It's an open secret, well known to Russia's political classes, that the head of this new order is a round table of 12 "Barons"—top ministers and Kremlin courtiers, all close personal friends of Putin (known informally as the tea-drinkers circle) who gather weekly at the presidential dacha. Below them is a veritable army of 1.5 million bureaucrats, plus 4 million so-called siloviki—policemen, soldiers and security officials. At its most primitive, Russia's new feudal order gives these "men of power"—the Barons' vassals, if you will—a license to steal and rob from lowlier citizens. Their weapon of choice, true to Putin's dictum that his rule would see the "dictatorship of the law," is the law itself.
Ask businessman Sergey Odinartsev, who arrived at work one morning last summer to find that armed thugs had taken over his tea-and-coffee warehouse in Tula, 200 kilometers south of Moscow. Complaining to the police, he knew, would be useless. The corporate raiders who stole his business had a slew of officially stamped papers confirming that they were the new owners. Worse, they were partners with what Odinartsev coyly calls "people stronger than local police"—the local security services. "They have powerful supporters," says Odinartsev. "I could apply to the court but I already know it is going to be just a waste of time."
The mechanism is simple, explains Gennady Gudkov, a former KGB major-general and now head of the State Duma's security committee. A would-be raider "finds an influential cover, either a bureaucrat or someone in State Security," he says. After a fee has been agreed, the bureaucrat "goes to the owner of the business you want to steal and says: sell your business for five rubles or you go to jail."
The only defense is to have more powerful patrons than your opponent. Moscow businessman Vladimir Moiseyev learned that rule when he tried to make a successful takeover bid for a large Moscow hairdressing salon. He had money, already owned 30 percent of the shares in the company and, most important, had good friends in the Interior Ministry's Organized Crime Unit. Unfortunately for Moiseyev, there was another bidder—someone connected, he says, to the presidential administration. As in a card game, Moiseyev was trumped by his rival's superior connections.
Gone are the days when businesses had to pay off mafia thugs. Now firms sign for-mal protection contracts with the local administration. One such, signed by a ceramics factory in southern Russia and grandly titled "Contract for the Social and Economic Development of the Region," stipulates a monthly payment to the local authorities. In exchange, the administration promises to solve "any problems arising with federal or regional organs." Earlier this year the ceramic factory's owner, who asked that his name not be used for fear of reprisals, sold out. All his profit, he complains, was going to bureaucrats "simply for the right to exist." According to a recent study by Moscow's InDem Foundation, an independent polling group, the volume of Russia's corrupt economy (the amount paid in bribes and kickbacks by Russian businesses as well as the value of deals cut with bureaucrats in exchange for protection) has skyrocketed from $33 billion in 2001 to $316 billion last year—a sum amounting to nearly half of Russia's official GDP.
Not surprisingly, given the opportunities for enrichment, government service has become a very popular profession. (According to the Federal Statistics Office, the number of public servants in Russia rose last year by almost 150,000 to 1.5 million—not counting the police or security services. By comparison, the Soviet Union's bureaucracy under Leonid Brezhnev numbered no more than 700,000.) Consider the lively market in bribes for work. Duma deputy Gudkov recalls that when a former colleague recently went job-hunting, he couldn't find a "free" job. "A senior bureaucratic post at any Russian ministry costs from $150,000 to $1 million, depending on how high you want to start," says Gudkov. "Even to get a job as a traffic policeman, one needs to pay from $3,000 to $5,000." Not that Russia's growing army of traffic police would ever trouble bureaucrats themselves. For brazen proof that bureaucrats are a caste apart, you have only to note the flashing blue lights on their official cars, which allow them to ignore traffic regulations with impunity.
Impunity is increasingly the watchword of Russia's powerful. Putin has been careful to appoint his most loyal courtiers as the heads of giant state-owned corporations. In 1997, the tycoon Boris Berezovsky boasted that seven oligarchs—powerful private businessmen—controlled the Russian economy. A decade on, the tables are turned. According to the state news agency, seven men from Putin's inner circle control state-owned companies that directly account for 40 percent of Russia's gross domestic product. They include Deputy Prime Minister Dmitri Medvedev, chairman of Gazprom, the $263 billion gas monopoly, and presidential administration deputy chief Igor Sechin, head of the giant state oil company, Rosneft. Another deputy head, Vladislav Surkov, chairs Transnefteprodukt, the state company for oil transportation, while presidential aide Viktor Ivanov chairs national air carrier Aeroflot, as well as the main air-defense contractor, Almaz-Antei. "We used to have a private oligarchy—now we have an oligarchy drawn from the secret police," says former deputy prime minister Boris Nemtsov, referring to the KGB background of many of Putin's advisers.
In the new order, foreigners are an inconvenience; they don't play by the rules. IKEA, the Swedish furniture giant, for instance, confronted by a last-minute demand for more money before the opening of a Moscow mall in 2004, immediately filed a complaint in court and held a press conference, forcing greedy officials to retreat. This spring, the U.S. cell-phone company Motorola disclosed that Customs officials had apparently stolen $200 million worth of brand-new cell phones on consignment to their Russian partners, Evroset. "A Russian company could never go public like that; they would be crushed," says Panfilova. "The Customs made a mistake—they thought they were stealing from Evroset, not Motorola." By the same token, the Kremlin last week announced that Gazprom, not the five foreign oil majors that had been bidding, would develop the vast Shtockman gas field in Russia's Arctic Sea.
The spreading rot of Russia's new feudal order threatens to strangle Russia's real economy. The Kremlin is riding high on oil and gas prices, and enjoying a period of bullishness unprecedented in a generation. But Russia's underlying indicators are dire, on just about every index. The World Bank ranks Russia 151st among 208 countries in terms of accountability, political stability, effectiveness of the government, the quality of regulatory bodies, the rule of law and control over corruption—just below Uganda and Zambia but ahead of Kazakhstan and Niger. And Russia fell nine places—to 62—in the World Economic Forum's Growth Competitiveness Index. It came in 110th out of 125 for judicial independence, 116th in the soundness of banks and 107th in public trust in politicians. The root cause, says Nemtsov, is the inherent cronyism and inefficiency of the state sector. "Russia is rapidly moving towards being a Third World country," he says. "And the chances of returning all this into the channel of progress and economic development in the near future are extremely low."
The only remedy, says Valery Fadeyev, a member of the Public Chamber, a state-appointed consultative body, is "effective institutions, not simulated institutions." By that he means a bona fide political opposition, a free press and unambiguous laws, especially those guaranteeing the inviolability of private property. Unfortunately for Russia, Putin has systematically undermined all three. Russia's Parliament these days is little more than an assembly of Putin loyalists. As for the media, the assassination of Anna Politkovskaya, among the last of the country's true investigative reporters, sums up its tragic state. Putin expressed regret at her death but added that she "wasn't very influential." And he was right, in his way. Official pressure and journalistic corruption have made the media one of the least trusted institutions in Russia.
Where will it all end? The system that Putin created in the name of stability may in fact turn out to be deeply unstable. A feudal society like Russia, with its vast network of tribute and patronage, ultimately depends on someone, or something, down near the bottom, actually working and producing money. Right now, that role is filled by oil and gas wells. The easy cash they produce gives Putin's court a license to pursue their own interests, often at the expense of the nation's. Yet money alone does not make a strong economy, just as the absence of public politics and a free press doesn't make for a healthy society. Rotten edifices, like Ukraine and Georgia's corrupt and complacent old regimes, are doomed to eventually collapse.
© 2006 Newsweek, Inc.

17 октомври 2006

Google seeks solar power

Internet powerhouse Google said that it planned to install solar panels at its Silicon Valley campus to harness energy from the sun.

Google said the photovoltaic grids installed on a set of its buildings and parking structures would be the largest at any US corporate campus and among the biggest solar power networks at business headquarters in the world.

The solar grid at the "Googleplex" in Mountain View, California, would generate 1.6 megawatts of electricity, enough to meet the power demands of about 1,000 typical California homes, according to the company.

The electricity was expected to offset about 30 percent of the peak power needs of the buildings equipped with the panels.

"We believe that improving our environmental practices is not only our responsibility as a corporate citizen, but good business planning," Google said in a release.

"And of course by saving electricity (not to mention producing clean renewable energy), we also save money. In fact, we believe this project demonstrates that a large investment in renewable energy can be profitable."

Tue Oct 17, 3:42 AM ET
Copyright © 2006 Agence France Presse.
Copyright © 2006 Yahoo! Inc. All rights reserved.

Rebuilding Microsoft

AT MICROSOFT, IT'S known simply as the Bill Review. At some point in the early stages of any major product or service launch, the richest man in the world would sit in judgment, assessing a team's progress and deciding whether the project should still get the company's backing. Engineers and executives spent days and nights preparing for this session, a grilling that could make or break a career.

The anxiety was entirely justified. The CEO (and later chief software architect) brought every ounce of his ruthless, superior intellect to the job, and he didn't suffer fools. Tallying the number of times Gates shook his head and said "fuck" became the standard metric for failure throughout the 1990s. Joel Spolsky, a former Microsoft developer, recalled making one presentation in which someone counted only four. "Wow, that's the lowest I can remember," Spolsky's colleague told him. "Bill is getting mellow in his old age."

Now the era of the Bill Review is coming to a close. In June, Gates stepped down from his role as chief software architect (though he'll retain the title of chairman). He'll spend the next two years ratcheting down his work at the company he cofounded 31 years ago, devoting the bulk of his time to philanthropic efforts. His handpicked successor, Ray Ozzie, doesn't like to curse, at least not in meetings. In fact, Ozzie is in many ways the anti-Gates: courtly, soft-spoken, as approachable as your favorite college prof.

But the two men share something important to the past and future of Microsoft: technological brilliance. As the inventor and principal executive behind Lotus Notes in the '80s and '90s, the 50-year-old Ozzie is considered one of the best software minds on the planet. In its day, Lotus Notes was among the most popular applications in corporate America. In 1997, Ozzie started Groove Networks, a company – like the one behind Lotus – created to help office workers collaborate electronically. Microsoft bought Groove in April 2005 for $120 million, and Ozzie signed on as a top executive in Redmond.

But the idea of being put on a pedestal makes Ozzie squirm. For starters, he doesn't like to be in front of crowds and used to suffer from crippling stage fright. More fundamentally, trying to manage from atop a pedestal doesn't work, he says. You lose touch with employees, and that makes it harder to lead an organization and get things done. And at Microsoft – a company many say is clinging to an outdated business model and beset by more-nimble competitors – there's a lot of hard work to be done these days.

Just listen to Ozzie describe his management style. "When I find a hairy bug," he wrote in a 2003 blog posting, "I love having the developer come in and debug it face-to-face. It gives me a chance not only to understand more about the product's internals, but also, you have no idea what I learn chitchatting while waiting for debug files to copy, etc. Design and implementation issues, stuff that people have been building off to the side, things about the organization, rumors, etc." He continued: "I suppose this is just classic 'walking the halls,' but I feel as though without this kind of direct nonhierarchical contact I would lose touch with my organization, and people throughout would know I was disconnected and would lose respect for me."

It's hard to imagine how a guy this self-effacing could survive inside Microsoft's insular, hierarchical, hypercompetitive culture. Redmond is notorious for bringing outsiders into the executive ranks and promptly shredding them. But since joining the company 18 months ago, Ozzie's star has only gotten brighter. He was brought on as one of three chief technical officers, and less than two months into his tenure, he was leading a secret strategy session on how to fight competitors like Google. By November, he was the architect of a new software development strategy for the entire company. And in June of this year, he reached the mountaintop: Gates announced that he was essentially retiring and named Ozzie as the company's technology uberboss.

"With Gates, everything was always a production," says one program manager who asked to remain anonymous. "You'd go to Building 34, where he and [CEO Steve] Ballmer have their own separate wings, and then you'd have to get cleared by a security guard, and then you'd have to get cleared by two secretaries – all before you made your presentation." When Ozzie was interested in learning more about a product, he would go to the program manager's conference room, and he went prepared with good questions showing that he had done his homework. And as chief software architect, he shows no signs of changing his approach.

There are, of course, two major reasons for Ozzie's ascendancy at Microsoft: Gates and Ballmer. Ozzie is one of the few technologists anywhere whom they respect; they'd been trying for years to get him to join the company. Now he's carrying their hopes for the future, and it's a heavy load. Ozzie needs to move Microsoft from selling software in a box to selling lightning-fast, powerful online applications ranging from gaming to spreadsheets. The risks are enormous. The mission is to radically alter the way the company sells its most profitable software and to pursue the great unknown of so-called Web services – trading an old cash cow for an as-yet-to-be-determined cash cow. No, Microsoft doesn't think its customers will stop using PCs with hard drives and work entirely online, but the desktop era is drawing to a close, and that promises to force some painful trade-offs.

MICROSOFT HAS BEEN in a funk since 2003. Its travails could be the subject of a Harvard Business School case study on the innovator's dilemma. The company made – and still makes – billions selling desktop software, mainly Windows and Office. But the center of gravity has moved, and desktop software is about as cutting-edge as a nightly network newscast. Instead, Web-based apps are taking hold, and devices other than the PC – smartphones, iPods, digicams – represent the growth markets for software. At the same time, new business models, like search-based advertising and low-cost software subscriptions, are beginning to generate big money.

None of this is news in Redmond. In a 1995 company-wide memo titled "The Internet Tidal Wave," Gates famously recognized the network as a disruptive tsunami. And starting in 2000, he tried to prepare his troops for yet another big shift, with a series of speeches on Web services. Even then, Gates was describing a world where desktop applications would eventually work in concert with high-speed apps delivered over the Internet. Among other benefits, he noted, "you should never have to enter the same information multiple times."

But despite all the visionary pronouncements, Microsoft has been consistently outmatched on this new battleground. Apple Computer completely controls the online music business with the iPod. (In July, Microsoft effectively scrapped its partnerships with hardware makers and has resorted to creating its own music player, named Zune, to try to compete.) Cell phones, BlackBerrys, and PDAs are now arguably the primary way we check email, yet Microsoft trails in supplying software to those devices. Microsoft's game console, the Xbox 360, has been a hit, but competition from Sony's PlayStation 2 has kept prices low, making profits elusive. And when it comes to Internet search – another hugely popular function that doesn't run on a PC – Google is widening its lead over Redmond and exploiting new advertising models that generate billions in revenue. Google is also experimenting with a collection of Web apps, including maps, video, even online word processing and spreadsheets. Meanwhile, Microsoft has been struggling with the sort of things it historically has done best – producing big, integrated software packages. Vista, its new operating system, is due out next year, but it's almost two years late and has no firm release date.

The upshot? Microsoft's stock, which generated better than 50 percent compound annual returns during the '90s, hasn't moved at all in nearly five years. Morale in Redmond, once the envy of corporate America, is the lowest it has been in company history. Employees complain of IBM-like bureaucracy that stifles creativity and innovation. And petty financial jealousies are rampant: Thanks to the stagnant share price, few are getting rich at Microsoft these days. Half the staff – those who joined the ranks in the early '90s – are worth millions of dollars from stock options. The other half – hired after 2000 – are worth a fraction of that.

Perhaps worst of all, five years after Microsoft dodged a breakup and other huge antitrust sanctions for being too aggressive, it's hard to find anyone who is scared of the company anymore. Remember when competing with Redmond used to be considered a death sentence? Now Google taunts it daily. It has hired about 100 Microsofties, half of whom work at a satellite office a few miles away from Microsoft HQ. Apple, for its part, has become so confident of consumers' preference for OS X, its operating system, and software like iPhoto and GarageBand that it now allows users to run Windows on its machines. Early reports indicate the strategy is working: Sales of Mac laptops are booming and have pushed Apple's US market share in the category to 12 percent, doubling in just six months.

Despite all this competition, however, Microsoft looks awfully healthy. General Motors would love to have such problems. The company has developed a robust server software business since the late '90s, and its Windows and Office monopolies still mint $1.5 billion a month. It has almost $35 billion in the bank.

But executives at Microsoft are smart enough to be worried. They're painfully aware of the story of IBM in the 1970s. It was the most powerful corporation in the world – so powerful that the government sued it for antitrust violations. Fifteen years later, it was on its back. In those days Microsoft was the young superstar – much as Google is today – that helped push Big Blue from its perch. Redmond doesn't want to see history repeat itself.

Ozzie's plan – laid out in a 5,000-word memo to executives last fall and in a speech to Wall Street analysts in July – is tough love. Indeed, it's a blunter assessment of Microsoft than any executive, including Gates or Ballmer, has probably ever made. To avoid being marginalized, Ozzie said, Microsoft needs to shift gears fast and concentrate on the software-services world. That means figuring out how to get new ideas out of the lab and into the marketplace faster, rethinking the way the company makes and sells applications, and spending billions of dollars on infrastructure, like giant server farms, to power all those changes. To a corporation that has built some of the most bloated, complex software ever to boot up, Ozzie gave this advice: "Complexity kills. It sucks the life out of developers, it makes products difficult to plan, build, and test, it introduces security challenges, and it causes end-user and administrator frustration." Better, he went on, to "explore and embrace techniques to reduce complexity."

In other words, instead of spending years working on giant, deeply integrated software packages and doing one big, heavily marketed release, Microsoft needs to think more like Google and other next-gen Internet companies – designing and releasing software faster and in smaller interchangeable pieces and then letting online user feedback guide improvements.

The goal is radical and risky: embrace a variety of revenue models, including monthly subscriptions and online advertising, to become more competitive. But the vision is simple: enable users to have access to their data and applications wherever they are and regardless of what device they're using – the laptop at work, the PC at home, the cell phone, the television, whatever. "It should all behave seamlessly," Ozzie says.

He's quick to point out that Microsoft will continue to sell software in a box for a long while. Business customers, in particular, still want a degree of stability and predictability in the software they use, so many may prefer an old-fashioned release cycle. These users may also wait awhile before they let someone like Microsoft – or any outsider – run their servers. It would be bad business to get too far out in front of these customers, Ozzie says.

But he sees lots of ways to use the Web to complement Windows and Office that Microsoft has barely tapped. "Take PowerPoint, for example," he tells a gaggle of analysts crowding around him at a Microsoft cocktail party in July. "Wouldn't it be great if you could hit F5 when you finished preparing a presentation and have your PC automatically upload the file to a Web address? Then people listening to your presentation by phone could see you flipping through your slides in real time, too."

OZZIE'S PLAN will take the company in the right direction. The question is how much progress it will manage to make. Microsoft is a giant corporation with 70,000 employees, and Ozzie is basically telling all of them to change how they think about their jobs. It's probably one of the hardest things Microsoft has ever attempted.

Imagine being an airline mechanic. You're accustomed to waiting for planes to roll into the hangar to be fixed. One day, someone tells you that from now on, you're going to have to maintain the planes while they're in the air. That's what Microsoft is facing. For most of its life, it rolled the Windows and Office planes into the hangar and retooled them. Now it needs to write software that can be maintained more easily on the fly. Once you turn on a service, like an online word processor, "it's on forever," one former Microsoftie says. "It doesn't ever go off. So when you add features or want to fix something, you have to do it while it's running. It changes your mindset in terms of what's possible and what's impossible."

Another challenge Ozzie faces is persuading the organization to follow him. He may hold Gates' title, but everyone at Microsoft understands that he will never hold Gates' sway. And without direct responsibility for any of Microsoft's businesses, he will have to get Robbie Bach, Kevin Johnson, Jeff Raikes, and Craig Mundie – the presidents in charge of Microsoft's three business units and Microsoft Research – to feel that it's in their economic interest to play ball.

That doesn't appear to be a problem right now. Ozzie's reputation, the public backing from Gates and Ballmer, and the fact that Ozzie's proposals don't yet threaten the bottom line have helped him get a huge amount done in a short time. At a San Francisco presentation a year ago, he announced the formation of two groups – Windows Live and Office Live – that, along with three-year-old Xbox Live, would lead Microsoft's latest charge onto the Internet. These groups have already rolled out almost three dozen products and services. Sure, a lot of it is stuff we've seen before on Yahoo or Google, like customized homepages that aggregate all the information you care about – mail, calendar, address book, news. But there are also snappy little innovations like the recently released Windows Live Writer, which simplifies the still-difficult process of adding anything more than text to a blog.

Office Live, meanwhile, expands on the old idea of allowing users to set up domains and email boxes. For $30 a month, Microsoft adds collaboration tools. You can work on a project, save it to Microsoft-run servers in a giant data center somewhere, and allow a colleague to work on it at the same time or later. Tools like this are part of the expensive server software that Microsoft sells to big corporations. But until now they haven't been available to home and small business users on the PC platform.

And company executives have successfully turned Xbox Live – Microsoft's $70-a-year online gaming service – from a secondary offering into a must-have part of the Xbox experience. In the first two years of the service, only about 10 percent of Xbox buyers used the online service. But in the wake of a major upgrade and the rollout of the Xbox 360 last year, 60 percent of the console's buyers are now playing online. Microsoft is on track to sell 10 million Xbox 360 consoles by the time Sony's PlayStation 3 hits stores in November, Gates says.

Among the most intriguing applications to come out of Ozzie's tenure, so far, developers say, is one that Ozzie and his team of a half-dozen developers wrote themselves. Called Live Clipboard, it lets you easily cut and paste elements between online services – a picture from Flickr into Picasa or a contact from your online calendar or some random Web page into Outlook. Ozzie released the elegantly simple application, which he announced in March, in a very un-Microsoft way – under a Creative Commons license. In other words, it's free for developers to use and improve upon, no strings attached. He called it "a little gift to the Web," and so far, most of the development community, long suspicious of Microsoft geeks bearing gifts, has believed him. "When I saw it, I thought, 'Wow, this is a huge innovation, and it's great to get it out so quickly,'" says Alex Hopmann, a 10-year Microsoft developer and manager who left the company 18 months ago for a startup. "It used to be that someone would come up with an idea like that and it wouldn't see daylight for two years, until the next product release."

The true test of progress, of course, will come when Microsoft demonstrates it is actually prepared to gamble with a part of its Office and Windows revenue. Will we someday be able to use portions of Microsoft Office – say Word, Excel, or PowerPoint – as free, online, ad-supported apps that run inside an Internet browser instead of on our hard drive? Will we be able to take a working Excel spreadsheet and paste it into our blog? Those things are being discussed; just don't count on seeing them tomorrow, Microsoft insiders say.

Another topic under discussion: selling cheap, stripped-down versions of Office to suit various niches. Microsoft gets loads of abuse from consumers and businesses for selling an expensive, one-size-fits-all product larded with features that most people ignore (or actively hate – AutoCorrect, anyone?). So, a few midlevel executives are wondering, why not offer customers the option of a cheap subscription with fewer features, but those tailored to their specific needs? The idea is risky for the company, which relies on Office to generate some $12 billion a year in revenue. But that's the kind of tough love Ozzie is proposing.

To see the depth of transformation Ozzie is talking about, spend a few hours with Gary Flake, one of 10 Microsoft employees to hold the coveted title of technical fellow. He joined the company last year after a year-and-a-half stint as Yahoo's head of R&D, and he's clearly a different kind of Microsoft engineer: He doesn't believe in Windows' supremacy or in the software-in-a-box concept. He's proud to tell you that he's written more than 100,000 lines of open source code, an affront to Redmond's traditional businesses. And he's quite willing to question Microsoft's ability to innovate, which would have been considered heresy a few years ago. "In addition to saying, yes, we do some innovative things, and we don't get credit for them, I'd take it a step further," says Flake, who, as head of the 100-engineer Live Labs team, is charged with getting Microsoft's breakthroughs into the marketplace faster. "I'd say we don't always do the innovative things we should do. We need to improve in that dimension."

That Flake can get away with talk like this is perhaps one of the biggest signs of change inside Microsoft. Historically, Gates & Co. have reacted with fury when their bona fides as innovators were questioned. Now Redmond seems to be facing up to the reality that its innovation machine is broken.

IT WAS LOTUS NOTES that made Ozzie's reputation – and got the attention of Microsoft chieftains. "Bill and Steve felt they should have done Notes – that it was their birthright," a former executive says. "The fact that Ray did it first earned him their undying respect."

Indeed, so far Gates, Ballmer, and the rest of Microsoft's executive team have gone to great lengths to put Ozzie in a position to succeed in his new role. A year ago they streamlined Microsoft's corporate structure – compressing seven business units into three – and changed the way top executives in each division are compensated, in hopes of reducing cross-division friction. Historically, the company was organized to encourage each unit to pursue its own agenda, even at the expense of other divisions. Now executives must demonstrate a degree of company-wide cooperation to get a top bonus.

In May, Microsoft also changed its review process for rank-and-file employees, who increasingly felt that the system discouraged risk-taking. It used to be that you were graded on a curve within your group: For every top performer there had to be a subpar one. That worked fine when the company was smaller. But as Microsoft grew, the policy encouraged sloth. Why chance moving to a group of superstar engineers, people reasoned, if it meant you might go from above average status to below average? Now each employee is graded based on individual goals, regardless of how others do. These goals are reset as often as every other month to encourage engineers to ship lots of little software modules and revise them online rather than spend an entire year on one huge release.

Gates and Ballmer have shown that they will do what it takes to retain valued employees, especially those courted by Google. Microsoft's lawsuit against search expert Kai-Fu Lee last year for violating his noncompete agreement when he jumped to Google may have made Gates seem desperate at the time, but it also sent a message to potential defectors. When Google recently poached top marketing exec Vic Gundotra from Microsoft, he agreed to honor his contract and not work for a year rather than get sued. The company has also improved the food in its cafeterias, offered more concierge services like grocery delivery, and, most important, tripled the number of stock options an employee can receive as an annual bonus. One engineer says that when Google tried to hire away a friend of his in his twenties, Microsoft offered the man $250,000 in stock to stay with Redmond. He still left, but the story is an indication of how hard Microsoft is fighting back.

Top management has also pushed to make pay scales and communications in general more transparent. In the Office division, for example, compensation is now directly linked to title so employees know roughly where every colleague stands in the ecosystem.

Gates himself is trying to be more open. This year he made available to the whole company electronic copies of the papers he takes on his annual Think Week vacation. In the past, what Gates perused during his celebrated week of rumination was a closely held secret.

WILL ANY OF THIS pull Microsoft out of its funk, help it compete better with Google, or return it to a position of dominance?

There certainly are reasons to believe it's possible. Everyone in the world of high tech understands that Microsoft is at its toughest when cornered. And so the Ray Ozzie Show should be – and is – getting Silicon Valley's attention. Google may turn heads when it comes to replacing the desktop as a computing platform, says Tim O'Reilly, Web 2.0 guru and founder of computer book publisher O'Reilly Media. "But if you look at how Microsoft is positioning Live, it's clear it understands this new world." In addition to rethinking its innovation process and speeding up product cycles, the company is planning to spend $2 billion more than usual next year. It hasn't explained why, but most observers believe the money is earmarked to expand its Web services and build server farms all over the world to support its new online infrastructure. No other company can bring that much financial muscle to bear so quickly.

And say what you will about incursions by competitors like Apple, Google, and Linux – Microsoft applications still claim more "eyeball time" from more people than any other high tech products in the world. Even now, after all the buzz about Google's panoply of software products, if Microsoft can match it feature for feature – say, with a good desktop search and photo management program in Vista – Redmond could, despite years of false starts, start catching up to the search giant.

But the odds are long, and history is against it. Yes, Microsoft is a unique company, but established corporations with 70,000 employees almost without exception have a hard time learning new tricks. Microsoft has done better than most, with Windows, then Office, and now its server business. But it also has been struggling to become more Internet-centric since it launched MSN more than a decade ago. And with the obvious exception of Internet Explorer, it has had decidedly mixed results. Ten years ago, the world was convinced that Microsoft would use MSN to control the Internet the same way it controlled the desktop: extracting tolls, blocking competitors, regulating which sites surfers could access. Back then, the world worried that Microsoft would take command of the entertainment business by using its cash reserves to buy the best programs and music and using its software in our cable set-top boxes to dictate what we watched. None of those fears came to pass. Instead, Microsoft has been outmaneuvered by faster, hipper competitors, from Apple and Google to Flickr and YouTube.

Ozzie believes things will be different now, thanks to what's come to be known as the cheap revolution. Because broadband, processing power, and storage are so inexpensive and ubiquitous, he says, the high tech landscape is more receptive to the seeds Microsoft is planting than at any other time in history. He also says the time is ripe because there's a business model to support a new generation of online applications – advertising – that previously didn't exist. Every Web-based startup may share these opportunities, he admits, but Microsoft has the wherewithal to capitalize on them on a massive scale.

He'd better be right. In 1995, Bill Gates foresaw the Internet tidal wave and pushed his company to adapt. At the time, that seemed prophetic. Today, Ray Ozzie is pushing the same thing, but this time it's about survival.

Fred Vogelstein (fvogelstein@gmail.com) is a contributing editor at Wired.
Issue 14.10 - October 2006
© Copyright© 1993-2006 The Conde Nast Publications Inc. All rights reserved.

Tackling the hackers face-to-face

I'm lurking on IRC - Internet Relay Chat - the place where lots of net users go to talk via typed text on any and every conceivable topic.

But instead of talking about games, last night's big match or MP3s, I'm on channels with names like cc-visa, ccfull, ccpower and trade-cc.

I'm in bandit country.

The "cc" stands for "credit cards" and these are the virtual markets where thousands of stolen numbers are bought and sold all day, every day.

Card games

In most busy IRC discussion rooms, or channels, the threads of conversations are hard to follow because the typed text flies by so fast. It's like going to a party and being told you can only chat to other people by texting them on your mobile phone.

But in the channels I've joined there is no idle banter, flaming or anyone passing the time of day. It's all business, all the time.

The channels are full of adverts touting stolen goods (credit card numbers), ways to launder the cash extracted from cards and accounts or offering the other services the dedicated cyber criminal needs.

The adverts use jargon that is opaque to anyone who has not been hanging out here for some time.

The jargon reveals how the hi-tech crime world is divided. Typically those involved in net crime do one thing well. Some plunder web shop databases and steal credit card numbers. Some hack business networks so they can be used by spammers. Some are phishers who send out e-mail trying to fool people into handing over their banking details. Others have the bank accounts to help people move cash without being caught.

The hackers lack the skills to do anything with the data they steal and the old-time criminals lack the technical skills to get the data. This is where they meet.

I came across Ess4 hawking login data for the web shops he has hacked, the credit card numbers he has plundered from those sites and a how-to-guide that shows others how to do it.

He said: "i got many shops + tons of daily orders. i hack a shop in 3-4 hours and sell it for 100-500$."

He thanked "stupid admins" for making basic mistakes that let him break in.

Roze, one experienced hand and a spammer, said he exploited "human stupidity" rather than poor security.

He said: "That costs them money :)) i know is not fair .. but it`s the way we make money."

And, he said, when he was not relying on stupidity, he had a cadre of smart hackers working for him to break into networks. Curiously, most of these people were from Romania - a country that comes up again and again on these channels.

He said: "romanian guys are very smart. All the time they come with something new ;) they are the best hackers on earth i think."

Arrest record

These channels on IRC, and in many other places much harder to find, are where the deals are struck. It is where the spammer meets the botmaster or the credit card thief meets the money launderer.

And no one here has any fear of being caught. As one person calling himself Beelze put it: "it is not illegal to be in on an irc server. As well the law does not seem to care about it."

"There are 10.000 + users here, they trade the illegal stuff, NO ONE touches them," he said. "These are bank robberies, prolly in the top 100 biggest ever."

Stano, who I met in one very busy channel, said: "It is very difficult for them to find us, and even if they do, they have no evidence. So ... they go away :)"

He got started as a criminal staging fake ebay auctions and now he's a spammer.

"now I have made some investments ... and I can live the rest of my life with the money I make without spamming and so on ..but now it is in my Blood," he said.

IRC encourages people to use nicknames and in the card trade channels these change on a regular, often daily, basis. To further hide themselves users join the channel via a machine a long way from their physical location. Look up their net address and you find information about a PC sitting on the domestic network of one of the bigger ISPs - more than likely a bot.

Little communication is done in the channel itself - most happens via private messages sent directly between people.

The big problem that these criminals face is not the police but each other and they are in constant fear of being ripped off by their brethren. There is little honour among these thieves.

For instance, every now and again someone will supply links to software useful to criminals. Programs can be found that crack ebay accounts, that help plan a spam run or supply background information about credit cards if you only have the number.

The vast majority of these programs are booby-trapped with viruses that try to steal the information passing through them.

This lack of trust is widespread. Beelze, who rents networks to scammers, lamented the fact that he had no way to check the reputation of those buying services.

Many pay via cracked Paypal accounts and when the real owner of the account kicks up a fuss the money is taken back. Leaving people like Beelze out of pocket.

Beelze said: "The scammer will still have its service or at least, had, up to the time it got refunded." He said he was losing thousands of euros a month this way. Those with the cracked accounts do not care because they can just use another one. Some have many thousands of cracked accounts.

"Paypal is practicly the most used by criminals," he said.

By Mark Ward
Technology Correspondent, BBC News website
© 17.10.2006, BBC News